‘Assessment Of Corruption In Afghanistan‘, United States Agency for International Development, March 2009
EXCERPT: “USAID/Afghanistan commissioned an assessment to provide a strategy, program options, and recommendations on needs and opportunities to strengthen the capacity and political will of the Government of Afghanistan to fulfill its National Anti-Corruption Strategy. This report thus assesses the issue of corruption in the country, the legal and institutional frameworks for combating corruption, as well as USAID, USG and other donor activities against corruption, Continue reading
Authors: June,R.; Laberge,M.; Nahem,J.
Produced by: UNDP Oslo Governance Centre (2008)
Over the past few years, a flood of new work has emerged challenging the validity of the traditional measurements of corruption and arguing for new and improved tools for national policy makers, civil society and donors alike. This guide suggests ways of measuring corruption promoting a multiple data sourcing approach and a focus on actionable measurements. It is aimed at national stakeholders, donors and international actors involved in corruption measurement and anti-corruption programming.
This guide is based on more than thirty interviews with individuals from dozens of countries who are working on corruption and governance reforms, including government officials, development practitioners, donor representatives and multilateral specialists. It explains the strengths and limitations of different measurement approaches, and provides practical guidance on how to use the indicators and data generated by corruption measurement tools to identify entry points for anti-corruption programming. Continue reading
Thanks to The 8th Circle
A really fascinating Transparency International (TI) report for those in the NGO industry, but also governments and corporations that provide humanitarian assistance, has just been released. The report’s findings, however, can be applied to non-humanitarian assistance scenarios as well, especially those where large sums of money are allocated.
Below is part of the intro, and the rest is available on TI’s site.
Humanitarian assistance is a lifeline that brings food, shelter and other basic services to millions of people caught in the worst of circumstances through war, famine or natural disaster. However, it often takes place in challenging environments which may include endemic corruption. The sudden injection of large amounts of resources and the urgency of a crisis also create risks of corruption in the delivery of humanitarian aid…Detecting and preventing corruption in relief processes is an urgent priority in order to maximise relief efforts and truly help those in dire need.
If you’re interested in specific anticorruption mechanisms, here is a bullet point summary:
- Whistleblower mechanisms
- Codes of conduct that address values, sexual exploitation
- Strengthening surge capacity
- Specific policies for human resources, procurement, audits
- Guidelines for emergency process “overrides”
- Resource tracking and supply chain management
- Improving downward accountability
See the press release; full report in PDF.
By Zaheer Ud Din Qureshi
Anti-corruption mechanisms in Pakistan have consistently failed one after the other. Present set up, National Accountability Bureau is doomed to same fate. Especially after promulgation of National Reconciliation Ordinance it is very much written on the wall. After reconciling with the big fish there seems to be no moral justification to continue catching small fry. It is heart rending to see another anti-corruption mechanism in this country failing to bring any semblance of good governance. Starting with Anti-Corruption Act 1949 we have consistently tried to arrest corruption but have miserably failed every time. An insight into all these attempts for controlling corruption would reveal that anti-corruption efforts have always been attached to political motives. Almost all important anti-corruption literature recommends the presence of exceptional political and managerial will to promote and maintain anti-corruption reform. According to Professor Qua political will includes both a will to exercise self restraint and willingness to take politically risky decisions. Leaders are important for their value as role model. Especially in hero- worshiping cultures like Pakistan’s, people tend to follow individuals more closely than institutions. Ibne- khaldoon liked to see leaders acting as role models by their modest way of life. Conversely most of the leaders in Pakistan have adopted lavish style of living and are widely believed to be corrupt. Successive four governments in Pakistan after 1988 were dismissed on charges of corruption. List of allegation against rulers from every side of the divide is very long and widely perceived to be true. This environment that ‘everyone is corrupt’ is fatal to prospects of any successful anti-corruption effort. Not only the leaders themselves are corrupt but also they are always willing to compromise anti-corruption efforts for political expediency. This lack of political will proves fatal to credibility of any anti-corruption agency. NAB is faced with same credibility crisis. An important manifestation of lack of political will is selectivity in application of law. Two important organizations army and judiciary are not under the purview of the NAB Ordinance. According to a Transparency International Pakistan’s survey in 2006 judiciary is rated as the third most corrupt department in Pakistan. Government may have its reasons to leave these organizations out of ambit of anti- corruption law but from the perspective of anti-corruption it is not defendable.
Associated with the question of political will is the question of political legitimacy. Continue reading
Thanks to Fug’s Blog I found a reference to the thought provoking paper’s abstract that I am posting below. The idea of a ‘captive mind’ is precisely what I have been mulling about. Thanks to this paper, I am likely to give a better shape to my raw, unformed ideas –
Sociology of Corruption and ‘Corruption of Sociology’: Evaluating the Contributions of Syed Hussein Alatas
Current Sociology, Vol. 54, No. 1, 25-39 (2006)
Habibul Haque Khondker
National University of Singapore
This article examines corruption as a social problem and a phenomenon that illustrates certain problems in agenda-setting in sociology. Understanding such questions as why corruption remains largely outside the purview of sociology, and how sociological agendas are set can be found in the works of Syed Hussein Alatas, who wrote about corruption as far back as the 1950s. Sociology of corruption as a subfield failed to take off despite the ubiquity of this phenomenon. In recent years, new books have been published, including an updated version of Professor Alatas’s work. Studies of corruption remain a prerogative of the political scientists and public policy experts. Economists see corruption as a market-distorting externality and treat it as a peripheral subject. Gunnar Myrdal, who was an exception, in his Asian Drama, identified corruption as a serious bottleneck for Asian development. The problem persists 40 years on from Myrdal’s analysis. In many countries in the developing world, corruption has become part of the fabric of society. Yet, sociological theorization and empirical studies are lacking. This article examines corruption both as a social problem and an indicator of the ‘corruption of sociology’, drawing on the writings of Alatas, especially his notion of ‘captive mind’ or the absence of intellectual autonomy on the part of the Third World sociologists.
Courtesy Eideard Blog
One out of every three families living below the poverty level in India paid a bribe last year for basic public services, like admitting a family member into a hospital.
The report by Transparency International India and the Center for Media Studies said poor people in India paid about $210 million in bribes last year to the police, schools, hospitals and power companies.
The bribes were for basic services, the report said: to file a police report, to enroll a child in school, to admit a family member into a hospital or to get electricity turned on.
“This kind of corruption that denies people their entitlement to basic and need based services, many of which may be ‘free’ by law, results in the poor finding themselves at the losing end of the corruption chain,” said R. H. Tahiliani of Transparency International India.
* TI says in Pakistan officials gain 8 times their salaries in bribes, 10 times in India
BERLIN: In Pakistan a quarter of the rural population is engaged in a hidden but well-known system of side payments to obtain irrigation water, a report by Transparency International (TI) released on Wednesday said.
The corruption tax on farmers for obtaining more water than their entitlements was estimated at 2.5 percent of their income per hectare, it added.
Functioning for decades now, this interlocking incentive system of bribery is considered by many a well-established ‘working rule’. The report said that corruption gains from irrigation have been found to dwarf officials’ above-board incomes. In Pakistan, they were estimated at five to eight times regular salaries, and in India up to ten times. Continue reading